On Creating Young Conservatives

Politics — By John Mark Reynolds on May 10, 2009 at 10:59 pm

Losing an aging Arlen Specter will do little harm to a movement long term. Losing the youth vote year after year is a sign of approaching party senility.

Obama won the youth vote overwhelmingly.  Some conservatives believe that he won because of his acknowledged personal qualities and awesome campaign skills. A recent Rasmussen Report analysis of polling data suggests that while being a super hero campaigner never hurts, Obama won because of his ideas. He won the youth vote, because young voters are more liberal than previous generations.

That has to change for the good of the nation.

Sadly for the good of the nation, Obama will fail as president, but the nation may not perceive this failure. He will fail, because the actions he has already taken will limit our liberty. Our liberty may be impaired, but people may become accustomed to it.

The good news for conservatives is there is no reason to split our economic and social conservative base. The bad news is that this is because Obama’s young voters reject both wings of the party. They are not social conservatives and they are not economic libertarians.

Not all youthful voters can be reached. Many have decided on their political philosophy and will not change their minds. We cannot persuade them if they will not listen and many have closed their minds to conservatives.

Partly this is a natural reaction of youth to their parents who are one of the most conservative generations in US history. Patient citizens will see the Obama generation raise a conservative cohort in thirty years, but sadly too much damage can be done to the Republic in the meantime to wait.

My experience shows a sizeable minority of Obama voters can be reached by good conservative arguments.  Conservatives need only persuade a portion of Obama’s voters to change their minds, but not by alienating that third of the  young who already vote for conservative candidates.

The Long Road Back Begins with Education

You cannot win by subtracting and conservatives need not immediately win the youth vote, just reduce the size of the defeat. This should begin with groups that are less conservative than one would anticipate. The core youth vote for conservatives is traditionally Christian and there is room for growth. Conservatives are underachieving in what should be their core constituency.

Partly this is because too many conservative educational institutions are either too sectarian or mostly secular. Those that claim to be broad based often ignore important classes of potential conservative voters.

There are major conservative organizations having few if any young Evangelical Christian voices. This is embarrassing given the clout such voters have in the conservative movement. Conservatives who are Evangelical often end up in their own organizations and seemingly “appear” every few years in primaries like Iowa. Conservatives don’t talk to each other enough.

Evangelicals should learn to listen to atheists, but atheist conservatives should listen to young, bright Evangelicals who disagree with some of their views. This should happen in one place where possible!

Winning voters who think they disagree with conservatism need not begin by becoming less conservative. What would be the point of this? If after close examination of our own views, we still think the conservative philosophy correct, we need to begin the long slow process of educating persuadable voters.

This begins by listening and not attacking. Rousing the base has its place, but when one is in the minority it is of limited use. Humility, time, and discussion are the best approaches to those who disagree with us, but could be persuaded.

It is hard for me to name institutions that are set up to persuade those on the left. Such institutions may not excite the base, but they will expand it. Conservatism needs media (old and new) that does not require total “buy in.” Gradual exposure to conservative positions will slowly move the thoughtful voter toward mainline conservative media.

In a different generation voices like Paul Harvey served as a “first-contact” for many Americans to the conservative mainstream. They were media figures first in the public mind, conservatives second. Paul Harvey made minds receptive to conservative ideas. Such people and institutions should be conservative without announcing it at every turn. A young-sort-of-liberal vegan would find a Hannity too much red meat and needs a gentler diet first!

It is sad that young voters have the views they have. There are probably social institutions such as the major media and schools that share some of the blame for this situation, but conservative whining should end. Major change is not coming soon and so we need to embrace our role of underdogs and begin to infiltrate liberal institutions while strengthening those that are still conservative.

Most youth voters I meet, even from conservative families, have never heard an intellectual case for conservative economics or social policy that is also sensitive to the poor and to the environment. This does not require so much a new conservatism as new educational approach. The initial success of Mike Huckabee shows that young voters, and he did very well with Republican young voters, are waiting for someone who can explain our views.

Too often conservatives have looked for quick fix solutions that ignore the years of educational effort that will be required to solve this problem. This will begin by strengthening conservative schools and media institutions we already have. Why don’t conservative donors endow chairs in conservatism at more schools? Many middle-sized Christian colleges and universities, while non-partisan, are sensitive enough to their overwhelmingly conservative constituencies to accept such gifts.

Imagine scores of conservative scholars freed to educate and mentor the next generation of conservative leaders. One student once said to me, “I wish conservative leaders did not keep embarrassing me.” The student was no coward, but leaders, particularly on the religious right, were not helping but harming him.

Don’t Embarrass Me: Creating a Middlebrow Conservatism

I believe there are many young conservative voters, often religious, looking for a party that will not embarrass them. It is already hard when you are young to stand against the majority and conservatives should want to make it easier, not harder. We cannot win the youth vote with candidates who make conservatives hold their breath in debates lest they say something stupid.

We need candidates who can explain our pro-life views by making arguments, not just repeating talking points. This is one of the strengths of the left and of Obama. The entire left does not take a high tone. There is a left-wing noise machine—and such populist style will always exist in a republic. Conservatives can generally match the left at this level of discourse, but control of schools, “middle-brow” cultural institutions, and media have given the left an overwhelming advantage at “middle-brow” discussions.

It is not conservatism when big business and big government corrupt each other. We don’t need a new conservatism to say this, I have never met a serious conservative who favors graft or lets Wall Street plutocrats off the hook for their part in the corruption of our national affairs, but we do need to say it more loudly. Most of my students, the majority from households that consume huge amounts of conservative media, have never heard it.

Conservatives need strong apologetics, a defense of their point of view. Strong defense requires a charitable understanding of the other side. Nobody will be persuaded if the liberalism being attacked bears no resemblance to the liberalism they have (weakly!) embraced.

Our approach must be dialectic, centered in listening and discussion, rather than preaching. Persuadable Obama voters have rejected what they believe is conservatism and one thing they think they know about conservatism is that it is narrow minded and intolerant. Discussion with thinkers on both sides of the aisle is the key to ending this perception. Some communicators like Hewitt and Medved do this, but many do not.
Conservatives have thinkers, living and historic. Conservatism has good populist roots in the United States. Yet these days conservatives lack a way of appealing to the influential intellectual middle. National Review is a good start, but is not enough.

We either need to be part of or fund the equivalent of middlebrow institutions such NPR and public television to discuss the entire culture from a conservative point of view. A political movement in a republic cannot be healthy if it loses the class of people who are not professional intellectuals, but who care deeply about the life of the mind. Such folk will produce much of the popular entertainments consumed by the rest of us.

At present, middlebrow media is overwhelmingly leftist.

My personal experience suggests that young voters can be persuaded to consider conservative ideas and solutions. The total dominance in Washington of liberalism gives us prized “outsider status.” This is a good moment to begin the long process of educating the next generation of voters so that generation Obama gives way to generation Conservative.

Editors Note: This post originally appeared at Hugh Hewitt.com. This post was re-published with permission from the author.



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  • Mumon says:

    Most youth voters I meet, even from conservative families, have never heard an intellectual case for conservative economics or social policy that is also sensitive to the poor and to the environment. This does not require so much a new conservatism as new educational approach.

    Bring it on.

    Seriously, you’re in deep, deep denial. Nobody has any “liberty” if they’re out of a job and society is trending back towards the 6th century.

    Conservatism and “limited government” and social policy based on the values of the Dark Ages were bad even then.

    We know better today.

    You can’t make the case for social policy that doesn’t ensure a safety net for the poor because there isn’t one that is moral or ethical, and for any “religious” person to claim there is looks a lot to most ethical and religious people to echo the ethics of those religions that practiced human sacrifice, albeit conservatives advocate a version that is less bloody and longer duration of suffering than the Aztecs.

  • Wow Mumon,

    So, let me try and parse out what you are saying. Either we build big temples and roll people’s severed heads down their hundreds of steps Aztec style, or we build a political system around creating safety nets for the poor?

    I ask you, why should we build safety nets at all? Apart from those “values of the Dark Ages,” why doesn’t the government maximize wealth for all by rejecting the poor, disabled, elderly, and weak? What say you Mumon, you’re a smart person. Let’s you, me, and the other smart, able people band together and build the a better tomorrow! Get rid of safety nets, they are for the weak. We’ll be strong. Everybody will be rich, and perfection will be our goal! Advancement, progress will be our mantra! We’ll maximize possible output and eliminate deficiencies. Everyone in our society will have their place, nobody will deviate, the mess will be cleaned up just like our city streets. Through Science we’ll advance ourselves, ever stronger and ever more able. Sounds like a pretty great society, no?

  • Mumon,

    Also, I take issue with your negative reference to the Middle Ages. The so-called “Dark Ages,” that supposed hell where you damn conservative ideology to suffer, is a myth. Fred Sanders has written a concise argument against the myth of the “Dark Ages” over at our sister site Scriptorium Daily: http://www.scriptoriumdaily.com/2009/05/13/why-protestants-should-read-thomas-aquinas-1-the-myth-of-the-dark-ages/.

  • Mumon says:

    Dustin:

    …why doesn’t the government maximize wealth for all by rejecting the poor, disabled, elderly, and weak?

    We are all poor, disabled elderly and weak.

    You would do well to read (or re-read?) Thomas Merton’s The Seven Storey Mountain, in which he, as a Christian, berates Christians for doing things that the Communists willingly did.

    Merton rightly saw that the problem with Communism wasn’t their prescription, it was their medicine. However, to say that government shouldn’t have any part in helping people is equally pernicious.

    Oh, and the Dark Ages? They ended in Western Europe before 1100AD – before Aquinas, but of course the Dark Ages weren’t dark everywhere.

    Reading Aquinas side-by-side with his contemporary Dogen is interesting. Aquinas could not contemplate the world in which not only Dogen lived, but Heidegger, Pound, Derrida and a host of others.

    But then gain Dogen was standing on the shoulders of giants, such as Nagarjuna, who truly hasn’t been surpassed.

    And he really did live in the Dark Ages.

    Only in India.

  • Mumon,

    Your answer is clever, but let’s be honest. We are are not all poor, disabled, elderly and weak. There are clearly strong people, young people, able people, and rich people, are there not? Unless, of course, you are referring to spiritual disability, weakness, etc. But then your comment about needing safety nets does not make sense to me. You contrast the need for safety nets with some sort of conservative alternative (unnamed), so I am led to believe you prefer a liberal sort of safety net, in other words, a government safety net. Is this true?

    I’ve not read deeply into the eastern thinkers, so I’m only lightly familiar with Dogen’s work. However, if Dogen’s work paints a world similar to Heidegger and Derrida (which I infer from your comment), then I say that Aquinas has plenty to say about such philosophies. Though I certainly believe that there is a place for a kind of mysticism in Christianity, I cannot bring myself to believe that the world of Derrida somehow escapes and surpasses the world of Aquinas. Do you disagree?

  • Mumon says:

    Dustin:

    Let’s be honest: the bodies and minds many inhabit are not all be poor, disabled, elderly and weak now, but that is our lot.

    Government safety nets are nothing other than the government acting to preserve property for all people, instead of the wealthy.

    Aquinas was too Aristotelian for my tastes; much of his philosophy is either flat-out embarassing (proofs of the existence of a deity) or abhorrent (his views on corporal punishment haven’t stood up to our moral evolution).

    One exception I’ll give him, though: the just war theory was useful.

    Dogen is not without problems either, but Aquinas and Dogen, even if they were to have spoken the same language, were not speaking about the same thing. Aquinas’s existentialism, to the extent it was there, was theoretical, wheras Dogen’s was oddly concrete and practical mixed in with the poetic.

  • cameron says:

    I’m afraid Mumon has confused liberty and freedom. Let me see if I can help sort it out.

    I am at liberty to jump to slam dunk a basketball, but I am not free to do so because my leaping ability is limited by gravity and Anglo genetics. I have the liberty to buy a pro sports team, but I’m not free to do so because I lack the funds. Other people have the freedom to do these things.

    Within a just society, different people will have different levels of freedom, but identical levels of liberty. People who lose a job, lose freedom, but not liberty. Bill Gates has way more freedom than me, but the same amount of liberty.

    These two terms get mixed up quite a bit, and it’s quite confusing (especially when “power” gets tossed into the mix). Think about it this way: laws can protect freedom, but each law necessarily reduces liberty. In countries without strong governments, the people have a great deal of liberty, but often little freedom.

    As for safety nets, which are redistribution plans, the person from whom money is taken is deprived of both the freedom and the liberty to spend his money as he sees fit, while the person to whom money is given gains freedom, but never as much as the “donor” lost.

    I happen to be in favor of mandatory safety nets (although in an unconventional way), but smart people can differ on their value. What should not be disputable is that an increase in safety nets requires a decrease in liberty and freedom. The costs and benefits need to be weighed accordingly.

    Of course, in a democracy made up of unequal people, costs and benefits will not be distributed equally. Nearly half the adults in America pay little or no income tax, so the “cost” of a social program is essentially zero. If each voter votes according to his best interest, almost all redistribution plans will be approved.

    Democracy is a socialism tree. It always has been, and it always will be. It may produce nice green leaves and pretty flowers at first, but the fruit is always the same.

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